Saving Money via the Public Option

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As long as we’re on the subject, here’s another statement from the CMS report that I blogged about below:

We estimate that the public plan would have costs that were 5 percent below the average level for private plans but that the public plan premiums would be rought 4 percent higher than private as a result of antiselection by enrollees.

If this is true, it means that the public option would save the government some money but is unlikely to put pressure on private health insurers to lower their premiums.  We’d all keep paying the same prices we are today.  Bummer.

Overall, however, this is still a net positive for healthcare legislation.  Consumers might not save any money directly, but since we’ve apparently decided that a 10-year cost of $900 billion has been handed down on stone tablets and can’t be changed, that means that saving the government some money via the public option would allow more to be spent on other things.  Like, say, higher subsidies for low-income families.

That’s sort of a roundabout way of getting to higher subsidies, and as a big fat tax-and-spend liberal I’d opt for simply combining both the House and Senate tax increases and using the money directly.  But any port in a storm.  If $900 billion is untouchable, then the public option is a good way to free up a little extra dough.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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