Here’s How Different Groups Really Voted in 2018

Did Hispanics turn out in greater numbers this year than they did in 2014? I didn’t even bother looking at the exit polls for this, since virtually no one seems to trust them anymore. However, before the election Yair Ghitza at Catalist promised a super-sophisticated analysis that would give us the real straight dope. I looked for it the day after the election, but I guess it took a few days to get the numbers together. Here they are:

If Ghitza’s numbers are correct, all of Donald Trump’s very public hostility to Hispanic issues had pretty much no effect on Hispanic voting. In raw numbers, turnout was up among all groups, but Hispanic turnout wasn’t up any more than anyone else. They’ve been at 6-7 percent of the electorate since 2008, and actually dropped from an all-time high of 9 percent in 2016. What’s more, Andrew Gelman points out that their support for Republicans was actually a bit higher than it was in 2016 (though lower than in 2014).

Ghitza’s post about the demographics of 2018 is here, and it contains lots of interesting stuff. Here are Catalist’s estimates for the change in support for Democrats among various demographic groups:

Interestingly, the biggest Democratic pickup among age groups wasn’t the youngest voters, but the 30-44 group. Less surprisingly, the Catalist data confirms that the rift between college and non-college whites has turned into a chasm: compared to 2014, support for Democrats went up 22 points among college whites while it went down 8 points among non-college whites. That’s a net 30-point change in just two years.

My guess is that the Catalist data is the best we have at the moment. As usual, truly good data will have to wait a year or two.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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