Poverty Numbers Revisited

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We’ve discussed national poverty numbers around these parts, and the difficulty of pinning down a decent definition of “poverty” before, but I think the Economic Policy Institute has the right way of measuring this stuff here. They’ve drawn up a budget for families, figuring out how much it would cost to purchase basic necessities—housing, transportation, food, child care, health care, etc.—in various regions, and then looked to see how many families make enough to meet those basic expenses. Whereas the official poverty rate hovers around 12.7 percent, and continues to rise, EPI found that the percentage of families that couldn’t meet the basic budget was 29.7 percent. In other words, nearly a third of all American family don’t make enough to buy basic necessities. (One note: EPI doesn’t seem to have included non-cash benefits, such as food stamps, in their calculation of income.)

As it turns out, the Midwest had the “smallest” problem in this regard, with a still-shocking-but-relatively-low 23.4 percent of families unable to meet the budget, as compared with over 30 percent in the Northeast, South, and West, which may in part explain some of those “What’s the matter with Kansas?” mysteries. (In fact, California and New York, two of the most liberal states nationally, had the biggest problems on this measure.) Meanwhile, 42.5 percent of families who work less than full-time year-round sit below the budget, but lest anyone think that simply getting a job will solve everything (and that assumes that there are jobs to be had), 22.8 percent of those families working full-time, year-round still could not afford basic necessities.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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