May/June 2012 Issue

Leveling Up

When they’re not signing up distributors, MLMs are recruiting politicians.

NU SKIN

Known for: Galvanic spas

Political giving, 1989-2012: $675,000, mostly to Republicans. CEO supported Romney’s campaigns; ex-president and his son-in-law gave $2 million to the Romney super-PAC via shell companies.

MELALEUCA

Known for: Cleaning products, litigious CEO

Political giving, 1989-2012: $380,000, mostly to GOPers; plus $1 million to Romney super-PAC

ALTICOR (AMWAY)

Known for: Nutrilite diet supplements

Political giving, 1989-2012: $9.3 million, mostly to Republicans. Amway cofounder Rich DeVos funds the Koch brothers’ political efforts.

HERBALIFE

Known for: Nutritional shakes

Lobbying, 1998-2011: $3.65 million

METABOLIFE

Known for: Banned ephedra-based weight-loss drugs

Lobbying, 1998-2005: $3.6 million

MARY KAY

Known for: Pink Cadillac-driving sellers

Political giving, 1989-2012: $740,000

AVON PRODUCTS

Known for: Pink-ribbon everything

Political giving, 1989-2012: $345,000, plus $970,000 on lobbying since 2002

4LIFE RESEARCH

Known for: Transfer Factor immunity supplements

Political giving, 1989-2012: $54,000; founder gave $500,000 to Romney super-PAC.

FOREVER LIVING

Known for: Aloe vera-based drinks

Political giving, 1989-2012: CEO and his wife have given more than $150,000 to Republicans, including Romney.

XANGO

Known for: Mangosteen juice

Political giving, 2004-2012: $186,000, mostly to Republicans

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

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