New York Is Expanding Abortion Access. Now It Just Needs to Become Liveable.

The potential, and limits, of blue-state resistance.

Kathy Hochul

Lev Radin/Pacific Press/Zuma

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New York state didn’t wait too long to respond to the Supreme Court rulings on gun control and abortion. On Friday, after Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul called a special session, the state Senate took major steps to shore up its concealed-carry law and enshrine reproductive rights in the state constitution.

The gun control measure responds to the court’s ruling that New York cannot restrict concealed-carry permits only to people who demonstrated a need, by imposing a 16-hour firearm training requirement and in-person interviews for all concealed-carry applicants instead. The effort to protect abortion rights will still require a longer timeline. As the New York Times notes

“Amending the State Constitution is a yearslong process in New York, requiring passage by two separately elected Legislatures, and then approval by voters in a referendum. By passing it this year, Democratic leaders hope that they can win approval next year and get it to voters in 2024, when a high turnout is expected in a presidential election year.”

This is a notable step for a large Democratic state whose lawmakers have often talked a better game than they’ve played when it comes to enacting progressive policies. For years, the bullying former Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo blocked liberal policies while helping Republicans maintain a veto on any legislation in Albany. The looming imperative to protect abortion rights in the state against a conservative Supreme Court was a significant talking point from his 2018 primary challenger, the actress Cynthia Nixon. Cuomo only took steps to change that after he won—and progressives went around him to flip the state Senate.

Last month, Hochul signed laws protecting the rights of out-of-state patients seeking reproductive care and barring state law enforcement officers from cooperating with other states’ investigations into patients who travel to New York. She also allocated $10 million in funding to help bolster security for abortion providers, and $25 million for an “Abortion Services Provider Fund,” which would support existing abortion providers whose services will face increased demand in a post-Roe landscape.

But to be a safe haven from reactionary governance, New York has a lot farther to go. How far? So-called crisis pregnancy centers, which peddle false information and exist to prevent women from getting abortions, currently outnumber abortion providers in New York City.

In a recent piece in The Atlantic, Jerusalem Demsas noted that “What blue-state politicians are not doing is ensuring that people in other states can find refuge in Democratic states.” Decades of inhospitable housing prices have made it ever more difficult to actually relocate to places like New York, and ever more difficult to stay there. As Demsas wrote:

The inhospitality of rich, liberal states to the poor and working classes is a problem at the international level as well. During the recent Afghan-refugee crisis, resettlements to coastal areas foundered on the lack of available affordable housing. When the State Department released a list of cities with potential homes for refugees, it left off America’s largest progressive cities: New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Washington, D.C. Refugees are actually not welcome here, it seems.

Or New York is laying out a welcome mat. But it doesn’t do much good if you can’t get in the door.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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